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The Hanse in England, c. 1380

The wool went to the Hanse. The furs didn't come from where you'd think.

A Hanseatic merchant working England's ports in the 14th century didn't run one route, wool out and furs back, the way a Silk Road story moved north would suggest. He ran two entirely separate trades that only ever met at the same English quays: one with Bergen, dried cod for grain, no wool and no fur anywhere in it; another with Danzig, wool and cloth out, wax and furs back, and that wax and fur had already travelled from Novgorod, 1,500 km further east than the map below draws. London's Steelyard, meanwhile, held none of it. It kept the books.

The map of the five stops, drawn one after another
The map of the stop on screen London, the SteelyardBergenKing's LynnKing's LynnSkagen, the tip of JutlandDanzig (Gdańsk)Boston, LincolnshireSkagen, the tip of JutlandDanzig (Gdańsk)the mouth of the VistulaDanzig (Gdańsk)

trading relationship documented directly

From Bergen and the Thames to the mouth of the Vistula

Every line on this map joins two ports whose trading relationship is documented, not a historian's guess, the way a reconstructed ancient voyage would be. The map's only approximation is the exact shape of the sea-path between them: before the Kiel Canal opened in 1895, the only route between the North Sea and the Baltic ran round Skagen, at the tip of Jutland, and that is where the line drawn here runs too.

The reference year, c. 1380, sits in the best-documented decade of this trade: the reign of Richard II (1377–1399), for which Boston's and King's Lynn's customs accounts have been studied closely by modern historians. The Steelyard chapter is the map's exception: its story runs from the 1170s to 1475, because what was at stake there was never a cargo, but a privilege that lasted two centuries.

Stop I

The Steelyard: the seat, not the cargo

1170s – 1475

When
1170s – 1475
Distance on the map
70 kmalong the drawn route
Where
London, the Steelyard

Solid: the approach up the Thames to the Hanse's own dock. The Steelyard was never a cargo endpoint like the other four stops: it was their shared office.

A Hanseatic merchant working England's ports never ran one business. He ran two, entirely separate, sharing no single good: one with Bergen, dried cod for grain; another with Danzig, wool and cloth for wax and furs. What tied the two together was a building on the Thames, at Dowgate, where the accounts were kept, not the goods.

Merchants from Cologne held a house on that site from the 1170s; its name changed more than once: "Haus zu Cälner" in 1157, "Gildhalle Teutonicorum" in 1224, until, by around 1320, it was "Stalhof", the "sample yard" where goods received their guarantee seal. English speakers mangled the word into "Steelyard", the name that stuck, though it has nothing to do with steel.

What was worth defending there was a privilege, not a warehouse: at customs, the Hanse paid 3 pence in the pound on cloth, the same rate as English and Spanish merchants; every other alien merchant paid double. The privilege outlasted the raw-wool trade that first justified it: the Hanse had dominated England's wool export at the end of the 13th century, then lost it once Calais became, in 1363, the sole gate raw wool could leave England through, a monopoly handed to the English Merchants of the Staple. From then on, the Hanse's own business shifted from raw wool to finished English cloth.

In 1475 the Hanse bought the Thames-side site outright. It held it until 1598, when Elizabeth I closed it, and asked the remaining merchants to leave. What follows is the map of the two real trades, port by port.

What the sources say

There are two kinds of people Flanders could not go without, or it would truly be lost: the high Dutchmen of Prussia, and the Easterlings.

From the English poem “The Libelle of Englyshe Polycye” (c. 1436), George Warner's 1926 edition; the modern-English rendering here is made for this page

Stop II

Bergen: dried cod for grain, and nothing else

c. 1380

When
c. 1380
Distance on the map
910 kmalong the drawn route
Where
Bergen, King's Lynn

Solid: the North Sea crossing between Bergen and King's Lynn: the Kontor's own trade, not a guess.

If one stop has to break the picture of a simple swap, wool out and furs back, it's Bergen. The Bergenfahrer, an association run out of Lübeck, held a European monopoly on dried Norwegian cod by the end of the 13th century. What left Bergen for England was dried cod; what went back was grain. That's it. No fur, no wax ever crossed on this exchange.

A Bergenfahrer ship calling at an English port could, separately, load English wool to sell in Flanders, then take on Flemish cloth bound for the Baltic, but that's a different business, with a different final destination, not a continuation of the Bergen exchange. The two never share a hold, on any ship.

Tyske Bryggen, the quay where the German merchants lived and worked, burned and was rebuilt more than once over the centuries; the wooden buildings seen at Bergen today are mostly reconstructions after later fires, not the 14th-century structures themselves. The site and its function, though, stayed the same for hundreds of years.

Stop III

King's Lynn: wool out, wax back

c. 1380

When
c. 1380
Distance on the map
1,510 kmalong the drawn route
Where
King's Lynn, Skagen, the tip of Jutland, Danzig (Gdańsk)

Solid: the North Sea crossing and the strait at Skagen, on to Danzig: the only sea route possible before the Kiel Canal.

German merchants from the Baltic secured trading privileges at Lynn as early as 1271, reconfirmed in 1310; the town recognised them officially, from 1302, as "the fraternity of the German Hanse". What left Lynn for Danzig, their chief destination from the 1380s, was wool, cloth, skins and lead; what came back was herring, timber, wax, iron and pitch.

The Treaty of Utrecht, signed in 1474, gave the Hanse a quay and houses at Lynn; Lübeck delegated the property's upkeep to Danzig. The resulting building, Hanse House, is today the only Hanseatic trading headquarters that survives in England; Boston, which played just as large a part, kept nothing at all.

The wax on that list didn't come from Bergen, as a flattened version of the route might suggest. It came from Danzig, this map's last stop, which received it, in turn, from much further away.

Stop IV

Boston: the wool staple that became a cloth town

c. 1380

When
c. 1380
Distance on the map
1,500 kmalong the drawn route
Where
Boston, Lincolnshire, Skagen, the tip of Jutland, Danzig (Gdańsk)

Solid: the crossing to Danzig, almost identical to Lynn's: the two ports worked the same route.

Boston became a wool staple town in 1369. Its role shifted fast: by the 1380s, according to Lincolnshire Life, citing S. H. Rigby and R. C. Nash's customs-account research, Hanseatic merchants carried an estimated 89% of the woven cloth exported through Boston and King's Lynn combined, not raw wool: a sign the business had already moved, as in London, from the raw material to the finished good.

What came into Boston: wax, dried fish, fish oil, furs, goatskins, much the same list as Lynn's, with small variations from one port to the other, because the two ports worked the same route to Danzig, not competing ones.

The building shown to visitors today as Boston's "Hanseatic Warehouse" is in fact a grain-and-fish warehouse built in 1815, more than two centuries after the Hanse left England. No genuine Hanseatic building survives at Boston, unlike Lynn.

Stop V

Danzig: where the furs had barely finished their journey

c. 1380

When
c. 1380
Distance on the map
20 kmalong the drawn route
Where
the mouth of the Vistula, Danzig (Gdańsk)

Solid: the final stretch, from the mouth of the Vistula to the Danzig quay.

The furs and wax a Lynn or Boston merchant received at Danzig weren't local goods. They were the Novgorod Kontor's own exports: furs, wax, honey, timber, carried to Danzig and Lübeck by merchants who took the summer or winter shift on the long, dangerous road to Russia, under their own rules, codified in a text called the "Schra".

From Danzig to Novgorod was another roughly 1,500 km, a distance this map doesn't draw, because none of the four English ports in this story had a direct link to Novgorod. Whoever expected, until now, a simple swap (wool out, furs back, like one end of a Silk Road moved north) can now see why no English port actually ran that kind of round trip, with a single partner.

What did you think was in the hold?

Each stop above had one real cargo, in each direction. For each, pick what you think the ship was actually carrying, then see what the customs accounts and borough records say.

  1. 1

    I. The Steelyard, London

    What did the Steelyard actually hold?

    The answer

    Customs accounts and the 3-pence-in-the-pound privilege. The Steelyard held no cargo from any route on this map; it was the Hanse's legal and fiscal seat in England, bought outright only in 1475, two centuries after Cologne's merchants first settled on the Thames.

  2. 2

    II. Bergen ↔ King's Lynn

    What left Bergen for England, and what went back?

    The answer

    Dried cod out, grain back. The Bergenfahrer, who ran this exchange from Lübeck, held Europe's monopoly on dried Norwegian cod; no fur and no wool ever crossed on this particular exchange.

  3. 3

    III. King's Lynn ↔ Danzig

    What left King's Lynn for Danzig, and what came back?

    The answer

    Wool, cloth, skins and lead out; herring, timber, wax, iron and pitch back. Danzig was, from the 1380s, Lynn merchants' chief destination, and the actual source of the wax and furs you might have pinned on Bergen by mistake.

  4. 4

    IV. Boston

    What good made Boston a staple town in 1369?

    The answer

    Wool. The role shifted fast: by the 1380s, per Rigby and Nash's customs-account research, cited by Lincolnshire Life, Hanseatic merchants carried an estimated 89% of the cloth exported through Boston and King's Lynn: a sign the business had already moved from raw wool to woven cloth.

  5. 5

    V. Danzig

    Where did the furs and wax reaching Danzig from England actually come from?

    The answer

    From Novgorod, roughly 1,500 km further east. The Novgorod Kontor exported furs, wax, honey and timber toward the Baltic; only from Danzig and Lübeck onward did they enter the routes to England shown on the map.

How the "Kontors" actually worked

  1. Four big Kontors, four different regimes

    Bergen, Novgorod, London and Bruges were the Hanse's four great Kontors, but none of them worked the same way. Bergen and Novgorod were closed trading colonies with their own houses and internal rules; London was a building with tax privileges inside a foreign city that never belonged to the Hanse as territory.

  2. Novgorod, in seasonal shifts

    At Novgorod, merchants worked in seasonal shifts, a summer party and a winter party, because of the long, dangerous road to Russia. The colony's own internal rules were codified in a text called the "Schra".

  3. Boston and Lynn: tolerated communities, not separate territory

    Boston and King's Lynn never held the administrative standing of the four great Kontors; they were communities of Hanseatic merchants with trading privileges, tolerated by the English town, not separate territory the way Bryggen or Novgorod's St Peter's Yard were.

1598: the end of a two-century privilege

None of the four English ports kept, in the end, more than a single building (Lynn) or nothing at all (Boston). London's Steelyard held out the longest, but not forever: by the late 16th century, pressure from England's own Merchant Adventurers and the sheer growth of English trade had worn away the reason the privilege still existed.

In 1598, Elizabeth I's government formally closed the Steelyard, revoked the Hanse's medieval privileges, and asked the remaining merchants to leave England. The Crown seized the property; James I returned it to the Hanse only in 1606, too late for it to mean a real return.

The trade this map shows (cod from Bergen, wool and cloth to Danzig, wax and furs arriving from Novgorod by a long road) had, for the most part, already died out decades before 1598. The London privilege outlived the cargo that first justified it.

The numbers, set beside each other

Three comparisons that come out of the figures above, not the impression they leave on their own.

  1. Half the toll, not half the trade

    3 pence in the pound, the Hanse's rate on cloth, is exactly half the 6 pence any other alien merchant paid. The difference, not the volume, explains why the Steelyard's privilege was worth defending even after the Hanse lost the raw-wool export.

  2. A road almost as long as the crossing drawn here

    From Danzig to Novgorod was another roughly 1,500 km, over land and water, nearly as long as the entire sea crossing between King's Lynn and Danzig, shown above. The furs and wax travelled, in total, almost twice the distance this map draws; the road from Danzig to Novgorod alone was nearly as long as the whole English crossing.

  3. One year in fact, a three-century story

    The map's reference year, c. 1380, falls squarely in the reign of Richard II (1377–1399), the best-documented decade for this trade through customs accounts. The Steelyard alone stretches the story over three centuries: from the 1170s, when Cologne's merchants first settled on the Thames, to the 1598 closure.

Sources and method

Every distance on the map is computed from port coordinates, not typed in by hand: 4,020 km in total, across the five routes, with the coastline's geometry drawn from Natural Earth's own layers. The sea route between two ports follows the only path a hull could take before the Kiel Canal (1895); the trading relationship between them is documented, not assumed.

The figure "89% of the cloth exported through Boston and King's Lynn, by the 1380s" comes from a popular history feature (Lincolnshire Life) citing S. H. Rigby and R. C. Nash's customs-account research, not from a direct reading of the rolls made for this page; it is presented above with that attribution, not as a figure recomputed here.

The English rendering of the quotation from "The Libelle of Englyshe Polycye" is made for this page, from George Warner's 1926 public-domain edition. The rest of the citations follow the sources listed below.