Maritime borders & international law

Seventeen Hectares, Nine Thousand Seven Hundred Square Kilometres

Snake Island is 0.17 km² — roughly the size of Cișmigiu Park in Bucharest. Romania lost it in 1948, seven months after a peace treaty had just reconfirmed its borders. Sixty-one years later, that same tiny island became the reason the International Court of Justice split 12,200 km² of sea between Romania and Ukraine.

Drag the slider below through the 144 years between 1878 and 2022, and watch how a rock the size of a park came to decide the fate of an area larger than the country's largest county.

0.17 km²
The island's area — comparable to Cișmigiu Park in Bucharest.
9,700 km²
Awarded to Romania in 2009 — larger than Timiș, the country's largest county (8,697 km²).
~80%
Of the 12,200 km² disputed zone, awarded to Romania by the Hague court. The rest, roughly a fifth, stayed Ukrainian.
7 months
The gap between the 1947 peace treaty, which reconfirmed Romania's border, and the 1948 protocol that changed it.

A Rock That Moved a Sea

Each slider position corresponds to a real year. The map is a diagram, not a nautical chart — but the 2009 line is drawn to the exact coordinates of the ICJ ruling.

2009
Ukraine
18782022

The dispute was never about the island itself — neither side contested Ukraine's sovereignty over it — but about how much of the sea around it should count when drawing the border.

If the island had been given full effect, treated as if it were a real coastline, the line would have swung far to the southwest, favouring Ukraine. If it had been given no effect at all, as if it didn't exist, the line would have followed strict equidistance between the two states' mainland coasts, favouring Romania almost entirely. The Court chose a middle path, with a precise justification:

In other words: the island stays Ukrainian, its territorial waters stay Ukrainian — but beyond that 12-mile circle, it stops counting. The rest of the line runs between the two countries' actual coasts, as if the island weren't there at all.

A nuance worth keeping: in 2009, press coverage repeated that "Romania won" the area's hydrocarbon reserves — estimated at roughly 100 billion m³ of gas and 15 million tonnes of oil. A Ukrainian commissioner argued at the time, however, that most of the confirmed reserves actually sat on Ukraine's side of the line. The area Romania gained is a verified fact; which side of the sea hides more gas remains, to this day, a contested one.

The Island Matters Again, Suddenly

For a decade after 2009, the island was a geopolitical footnote. Russia's 2014 annexation of Crimea handed it back its strategic weight overnight: whoever holds the island controls naval access to the Danube mouths and to Ukraine's southern coast. On 24 February 2022, a Russian warship ordered the 13 Ukrainian border guards stationed there to surrender. Their refusal circled the world within hours. The island was occupied, its defenders captured and later freed in a prisoner exchange; on 14 April, the same ship — the cruiser Moskva — was sunk by two Ukrainian Neptune missiles. On 30 June 2022, under pressure from Ukrainian artillery, Russian forces withdrew. The island remained, exactly as The Hague had ruled thirteen years earlier, Ukrainian.

Method note

The coordinates for the 2009 line are the real ones from the ICJ judgment's operative clause (Points 2–5). The rest of the map is an orientation diagram of the northwestern Black Sea, not a navigational chart. The island's area (0.17 km²) and the comparison with Cișmigiu Park (14.6–17 ha, depending on the source) are order-of-magnitude comparable, not identical. Figures for the disputed zone (≈12,200 km²) and Romania's share (9,700 km², ~80%) come from the ICJ judgment and from Romanian Foreign Ministry and press accounts at the time of the ruling; an exact percentage for Ukraine isn't cited here separately, because public sources don't compute it consistently against the rounded total.

Sources: International Court of Justice (Maritime Delimitation in the Black Sea case, judgment of 3 February 2009); Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs; Romanian and international press from 2009 and 2022.